Documentário explora as raízes e o legado da maior manifestação política do século 21 – Resenha sobre “We Are Many”, um filme de Amir Amirani

Naquele 15 de Fevereiro de 2003,slogan que dá nome ao filme We Are Many era mais verdadeiro do que no comum dos dias. Naquela ocasião extraordinária, estima-se que 15 milhões de pessoas tomaram as ruas de mais de 700 cidades, em todos os continentes, em protesto contra a iminente deflagração de uma guerra contra o Iraque.

Capitaneada pelos EUA, pela Grã-Bretanha e por seus aliados, mancomunados numa Coalizão Internacional que pretendia aniquilar o chamado Eixo do Mal (Axis of Evil), a Guerra do Iraque desde seus primórdios sofreu uma maré de oposição tão gigantesca que fez muitos analistas políticos lembrar das mobilizações sessentistas pelo fim da carnificina Yankee no Vietnã.

6

2003, mundo afora: “give peace a chance!” (reloaded)

 We Are Many, o documentário de Amir Amirani,  revela de modo explícito as raízes e os legados desta imensa mobilização internacional anti-guerra. Mundo afora, naquele Sábado de Fevereiro de 2003, éramos de fato muitos, solidários na indignação, ruidosos contestadores daqueles masters of war denunciados pelo jovem Bob Dylan ainda nos anos 60.

Fluindo pelas veias das metrópoles em torrentes de indignação, flooding the streets with a beautiful rage, havia a esperança – que depois se mostraria vã – de que era possível dar uma chance à paz. Infelizmente, no fim das contas, como Lennon, Gandhi ou Martin Luther King poderiam testemunhar, a violência com frequência triunfa sobre o cadáver dos pacifistas.


Havia a percepção coletiva cada vez mais disseminada que esta nova guerra era baseada em velhas canalhices – ambição petrolífera, ganância corporativa, imperialismo etnocêntrico. Era a repetição sinistra daquela constelação de vícios e cegueiras que leva o Império anglo-saxão a fazer pose de xerife do mundo e de pretender-se, com uma arrogância que ultrapassa todos os limites do razoável e cai em uma trágica hýbris de funestas consequências, como dono da verdade e da justiça, professor e exportador de Democracia para os “povos bárbaros” do Terceiro Mundo.

As mega-manifestações estavam fundadas de fato numa  percepção muito disseminada de que muita mentira e hipocrisia estavam sendo empregadas, de modo despudorado e escandaloso, por figuras como George W. Bush e Tony Blair, apoiados por boa parte dos respectivos Parlamentos e por boa parte dos conglomerados da mídia corporativa,  para justificar o início dos massacres. Hoje, Bush e Blair são figuras merecedoras de entrar para a história como genocidas, como culpados de crimes contra a humanidade similares aos de Eichmanns, Pol Pots e Pinochets, por todo o sangue derramado durante as campanhas militares deflagradas no Iraque em 2003 e cujas consequências sinistras mudaram o mundo para sempre – para pior, é claro.

Em Fevereiro de 2003, nós éramos muitos e sabíamos muito bem que a guerra estava sendo justificada com pretextos espúrios e mentiras deslavadas:todas as falsas conexões que tentou-se estabelecer entre o regime de Saddam Hussein e a Al Qaeda, entre o Iraque e o 11 de Setembro, eram links mentirosos, assim como as famosas “almas de destruição em massa” que supostamente fariam do Iraque um perigoso inimigo da humanidade simplesmente não foram encontradas. Talvez pelo fato de que os EUA é que são os maiores detentores globais de weapons of mass destruction que ameaçam o futuro da Humanidade… Sobre as ideologias fabricadas pelo totalitarismo Yankee, José Arbex Jr escreveu excelentes textos – como este, “Jornalismo de Verdade”, em que relembra Orwell, Huxley e Arendt para apresentar algumas das lorotas de mass deception que o Estado dos EUA usa comumente:

Em “1984”, George Orwell cria uma fantástica metáfora para explicar os mecanismos utilizados pelo poder para produzir a amnésia social: a história é permanentemente reescrita, sempre de acordo com as conveniências dos mandatários de plantão. É perigoso ter ou cultivar a memória dos fatos, e muito pior – inimaginável – é olhar para o passado segundo uma perspectiva crítica. Também no “Admirável Mundo Novo” de Aldous Huxley a percepção dos acontecimentos cotidianos é fabricada por uma engenharia social arquitetada por poucos que sabem e conhecem a dinâmica real dos processos históricos. O tema se repete, com variações, em muitos outros clássicos da ficção, na literatura e no cinema, que se preocuparam com a formação das sociedades totalitárias.

Passando à implacável esfera do “mundo real”, Hannah Arendt nota que, de fato, a produção social do esquecimento é inerente ao exercício do poder nos regimes autoritários ou mesmo em boa parte dos sistemas dito democráticos. (…) Interessa, por exemplo, a George W. Bush apresentar Osama Bin Laden como um ícone do terror islâmico, desde que se esqueça que ele foi treinado e armado pela CIA, para ajudar a Casa Branca a combater a ocupação do Afeganistão pelo Exército Vermelho (1979-1989); da mesma forma, a partir de certo momento, passou a ser vantajoso para Washington acusar o ex-ditador iraquiano Saddam Hussein de ser o responsável pelo males do mundo, mas relegando ao mais profundo buraco negro da história o fato de ele ter sido armado pelos Estados Unidos, nos anos 80, com o objetivo de mover sua providencial guerra contra o Irã do aiatolá Khomeini.

Também interessa repetir à exaustão que o ataque às torres gêmeas, em 11 de Setembro de 2001, foi o “pior atentado terrorista da história”, pois isso ajuda a esquecer, entre outras coisas, o bombardeio atômico sobre a população civil de Hiroshima e Nagasáqui, em agosto de 1945. (JOSÉ ARBEX JR., prefácio à “Rompendo à Cerca – A História do MST, SAIBA MAIS)

O fato é que, no período entre os atentados de 11 de Setembro de 2011 e a irrupção desta mega-manifestação, orquestrada com auxílio das redes de comunicação digitais globalizadas, um caldeirão de indignação foi sendo aquecido até o ponto de ebulição. Às vésperas do início da carnificina que deixaria mais de 500.000 civis iraquianos mortos e que geraria mais de 4 milhões de refugiados, várias metrópoles relevantes foram tomadas de assalto por uma multidão em marcha pacifista que buscava parar a guerra antes que ela começasse. Em Londres, em Roma, em Madrid, em Atenas, em Nova York, foram realizadas algumas das mais grandiosas marchas do século 21 naquele 15 de Fevereiro de 2003, o que não escapou à percepção dos maiores intelectuais vivos – como Noam Chomsky.

 O filme We Are Many é vibrante, interessante, repleto de imagens com imenso mérito como retrato histórico. Porém, não vai fundo no debate sobre o que possibilitou, tanto em termos de tecnologia quanto em termos de organização e mobilização social, aquilo que foi justamente chamado de “primeiro megaprotesto global”. São fenômenos sociais da grandiosidade e da complexidade do 15 de Fevereiro de 2003 que oferecem muito material para reflexão de intelectuais e críticos dos mais relevantes da atualidade – é o caso de Manuel Castells (autor de Redes de Indignação e Esperança) ou David Graeber (autor de Democracia: Um Projeto).

O cinema de não-ficção têm se mostrado como um dos âmbitos mais importantes para a crítica e a denúncia dos horrores vinculados à infindável Guerra Contra o Terror, o que fica evidente através de outros documentários excelentes como Procedimento Operacional Padrão, de Errol Morris, que revela as entranhas apodrecidas do sistema que pariu a prisão de Abu Ghraib e todos as horríveis torturas ali perpetradas; Estrada Para Guantánamo, de Michael Winterbottom, que revela a realidade sobre a prisão mantida pelos EUA em território cubano; Farenheit 9/11, de Michael Moore, um vencedor da Palma de Cannes que revela todo o zeitgeist que rodeia o período pós-11 de Setembro; Taxi To The Dark Side, de Alex Gibney, que revela os múltiplos lados sombrios da invasão do Afeganistão; dentre outros. We Are Many é uma louvável contribuição a esta pedagógica e crucial filmografia.

Através de filmes assim ficamos sabemos que, junkies de petróleo, fissurados nos dólares aos bilhões que são gerados pela indústria armamentista, as elites que comandam os Estados Nacionais dos EUA e da Inglaterra puseram sua máquina de guerra em movimento contra o Iraque em 2003 sem absolutamente nenhuma prova ou evidência conclusiva de que o regime de Hussein tinha qualquer participação nos atentados de 11 de Setembro. Esta guerra, apesar de todo o lengalenga retórico e toda a embromação massmidiática, foi mais um grotesco episódio da infindável tendência do complexo militar industrial, mancomunado com as corporações de combustíveis fósseis, para seguirem lucrando com a morte e a destruição. Naomi Klein poderia dizer: é a Shock Doctrine em infinito repeat.

O próprio Conselho de Segurança da ONU, antes da invasão, mandou inspetores ao Iraque, checou se haviam ali bombas ou mísseis que pudessem pôr em perigo o poderoso Império anglo-saxão, e nada. Nada encontrou-se no Iraque que pudesse justificar uma “guerra preventiva”, o que logo descortinou de modo explícito a qualquer cidadão lúcido, bem-informado e capaz de usar seus neurônios que esta guerra estava sendo lançada sem fundamentos sólidos que a legitimassem, sustentada por grotescas mentiras tornadas “oficiais” com a cumplicidade de uma mídia corporativa vendida aos bélicos patrões.

O filme traz depoimentos e reflexões de figuras como os intelectuais Noam Chomsky e Tariq Ali, os músicos Brian Eno e Damon Albarn (Blur, Gorillaz), o romancista John Le Carré e o cineasta Ken Loach, além de figuras importantes da política, da diplomacia e do pensamento político, reconstruindo as raízes e os legados do 15 de Fevereiro de 2003. Entre as “sacadas” mais relevantes do filme está o estabelecimento de vínculos diretos entre a Revolução Egípcia de 2011, quando megaprotestos populares que culminaram na ocupação da Praça Tahrir e na renúncia de Mubarak à presidência, e a escola de insurreição que foram, no Cairo, aqueles dias de 2003 quando o Iraque começou a ser bombardeado e os egípcios foram em imensas torrentes para as ruas protestar. Um outro documentário – The Square – analisa em minúcias a Revolução Egípcia, parte da onda mais ampla que ficou conhecida como Primavera Árabe.

Um dos temas mais interessantes que We Are Many levanta, fornecendo amplo material para debate, é as razões para o fracasso da megamobilização global em prol da Paz. O documentário é, decerto, bastante celebratório deste movimento pacifista e sua capacidade mobilizatória impressionante – algo que voltaria a dar as caras, no âmbito do chamado “Mundo Ocidental”, com muita força também em 2014 na People’s Climate March.

Porém We Are Many também revela a decepção, a abissal queda no ânimo coletivo, que se seguiu à percepção da ineficácia concreta da “maior manifestação de todos os tempos” em pôr um stop nos planos da Coalização Internacional Contra o Terrorismo, auto-proclamada em Sagrada Cruzada contra o “Eixo do Mal”. Este é um dos temas que considero sub-discutido, bastante negligenciado: tendemos a criar uma espécie de mística da manifestação de rua, às vezes beirando a mais irracional das superstições, acreditando piamente na força numérica de massas em desfile pelas ruas como agentes de transformação, mas não nos perguntamos mais à fundo o que constitui de fato um perigo para o poder instituído. 

Por mais grandiosas que tenham sido as manifestações de 15 de Fevereiro de 2003, elas claramente não coibiram ou proibiram a guerra. Eu até me arriscaria a dizer, sem medo de despertar polêmica, que uma das explicações para este fato está na natureza pouco aguerrida dos protestos, que em vasta medida consistiram em cidadãos carregando placas e cartazes, que andaram em multidões pelas metrópoles gritando palavras de ordem, sem que tenham, na maior parte dos casos, tentado ocupar prédios públicos ou governamentais ou deflagar greves gerais que pudessem parar a produção ou travar o fluxo dos transportes, das mercadorias e dos capitais. O poder do Império pode ter ficado impressionado, mas não se sentiu realmente ameaçado lá onde ele possui seu calcanhar de Aquiles: seu bolso, ou melhor, suas Bolsas. Os 15 milhões de cidadãos nas ruas não puderam causar um estrago significativo na economia de guerra, seja através de boicotes organizados contra corporações vinculadas ao ramo bélico, seja através de ocupas ou acampas que colocassem em sinuca as instituições.

O músico Damon Albarn, do Blur/Gorillaz, sugere que a raiz do fracasso deste mega-movimento pacifista esteve no fato de que ele perdeu força e momentum: a multidão deveria ter continuado a ir para as ruas de modo torrencial, ao invés de permitir que a maré de insurgência cidadã ficasse limitada apenas àquele Sábado. Se a galera tivesse continuado a colar – “if we kept coming back…”, diz Albarn – talvez a paz pudesse ter triunfado. Eis outra das lições da Primavera Árabe: uma manifestação de rua, por mais gigantesca que seja, é episódica e efêmera, as pessoas retornam logo às suas casas; a potência contestatória maior está na ocupação – como ocorreu na Praça Tahrir ou durante o Occupy Wall Street – que toma conta do espaço público e diz que ele só será liberado quando certas demandas forem concedidas.

Em 15 de Fevereiro, pode-se dizer que nenhum Bastilha foi tomada, que nenhum intento revolucionário foi posto em marcha, e que mesmo os conflitos com a polícia foram pouquíssimos, a não ser em Atenas (na Grécia). É notável o contraste com o quanto o pau quebrou nos protestos de Seattle em 1999. Poderíamos dizer que, se o pau não quebrou, se não rolou tropa de choque e gás lacrimogêneo, se manifestantes quase não foram encarcerados, foi porque o 15 de Fevereiro de 2003 confundiu pacifismo com bom-mocismo e não exerceu com suficiente radicalidade as práticas de Desobediência Civil que através da história foram utilizadas para contestar regimes ilegítimos, opressores e genocidas.

O filme não é ingênuo, nem faz crer em quimeras, pois mostra muito bem o modo com as chefias políticas, os Parlamentos, os cabeças do Exército, os figurões no Pentágono, os brits cheios de regalias na House of Commons, basicamente levantaram um dedo médio elitista para a voz das ruas e disseram, basicamente, “foda-se!” Foda-se que há milhões de pessoas nas ruas protestando em um Sábado de Fevereiro de 2003 contra a deflagração de uma guerra contra o Iraque; foda-se, iremos em frente assim mesmo. E assim o fizeram, em Março, dando o foda-se não só para as torrentes de cidadãos que manifestavam-se em Fevereiro, mas também para a Organização das Nações Unidas: a ONU declarou a invasão ilegal e esta foi realizada à revelia do Conselho de Segurança. Crime de guerra.


Dentre os pensadores políticos que conheço, ninguém melhor que Arundhati Roy descreveu o momento histórico logo após o 11 de Setembro. Na sequência, selecionei alguns trechos de sua obra que são excelentes para pensar criticamente sobre todo este nosso lodaçal de sangue e violência. Considero seus livros – em especial The Algebra of Infinite Justice Listening to Grasshoppers, além dos discursos Imperial Democracy Come September – algumas uma das mais preciosas portas de acesso a uma compreensão mais ampla do zeitgeist que entre nós prolonga sua estadia: o fantasma de um fascismo genocida que tenta convencer-nos que há imenso perigo em um certo Outro demonizado – uma raça, uma seita, uma ideologia… -, um Outro alcunhado de malévolo sem remissão e só merecedor de ser extirpado com violência.

De George Bush a Donald Trump, as ideologias e das práticas da Guerra Contra O Terror estão ligadas à presunção e à arrogância de um american way of thinking que vem todo tingido com cores fascistas pois reduz vastas porções da humanidade àquilo que Naomi Klein chamou de “zonas de sacrifício” (como o Afeganistão, a Síria, a Palestina…). O Sonho Americano – aquele engodo que, segundo o humorista George Carlin, só compram e só acreditam aqueles que estão dormindo… – gerou o monstro destes líderes que se dizem os artífices do Bem absoluto e da Vontade de Deus sobre a Terra, quando na real só cometem mega-carnificinas em prol de petróleo e lucros, enquanto tratam irmãos em vida e humanidade como se pertencessem a uma zona de matabilidade livre semelhante aos videogames à la Doom Counter Strike.

Eduardo Carli de Moraes


A ÁLGEBRA DA JUSTIÇA INFINITA
ou DEMOCRACIA IMPERIAL: COMPRE UMA, LEVE A OUTRA DE GRAÇA

por Arundathi Roy

ob_80a6dffb30470b5fcc27979c90344908_3206

“For strategic, military and economic reasons, it is vital for the US government to persuade the American public that America’s commitment to freedom and democracy and the American Way of Life is under attack. In the current atmosphere of grief, outrage and anger, it’s an easy notion to peddle. However, if that were true, it’s reasonable to wonder why the symbols of America’s economic and military dominance—the World Trade Center and the Pentagon—were chosen as the targets of the attacks. Why not the Statue of Liberty? Could it be that the stygian anger that led to the attacks has its taproot not in American freedom and democracy, but in the US government’s record of commitment and support to exactly the opposite things—to military and economic terrorism, insurgency, military dictatorship, religious bigotry and unimaginable genocide (outside America)?” (ARUNDHATI ROY,  “The Algebra Of Infinite Justice”, 08 de Outubro de 2001)

“When the United States invaded Iraq, a New York Times/CBS News survey estimated that 42 percent of the American public believed that Saddam Hussein was directly responsible for the September 11th attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. And an ABC News poll said that 55 percent of Americans believed that Saddam Hussein directly supported Al Qaida. None of this opinion is based on evidence (because there isn’t any). All of it is based on insinuation, auto-suggestion, and outright lies circulated by the U.S. corporate media, otherwise known as the “Free Press,” that hollow pillar on which contemporary American democracy rests.

Public support in the U.S. for the war against Iraq was founded on a multi-tiered edifice of falsehood and deceit, coordinated by the U.S. government and faithfully amplified by the corporate media.

mass deceptionApart from the invented links between Iraq and Al Qaida, we had the manufactured frenzy about Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction. George Bush the Lesser went to the extent of saying it would be “suicidal” for the U.S. not to attack Iraq. We once again witnessed the paranoia that a starved, bombed, besieged country was about to annihilate almighty America. (Iraq was only the latest in a succession of countries – earlier there was Cuba, Nicaragua, Libya, Grenada, and Panama.) But this time it wasn’t just your ordinary brand of friendly neighborhood frenzy. It was Frenzy with a Purpose. It ushered in an old doctrine in a new bottle: the Doctrine of Pre-emptive Strike, a.k.a. The United States Can Do Whatever The Hell It Wants, And That’s Official.

The war against Iraq has been fought and won and no Weapons of Mass Destruction have been found. Not even a little one. Perhaps they’ll have to be planted before they’re discovered. And then, the more troublesome amongst us will need an explanation for why Saddam Hussein didn’t use them when his country was being invaded.

Of course, there’ll be no answers. True Believers will make do with those fuzzy TV reports about the discovery of a few barrels of banned chemicals in an old shed.

In stark contrast to the venality displayed by their governments, on the 15th of February, weeks before the invasion, in the most spectacular display of public morality the world has ever seen, more than 10 million people marched against the war on 5 continents. Many of you, I’m sure, were among them. They – we – were disregarded with utter disdain. When asked to react to the anti-war demonstrations, President Bush said, “It’s like deciding, well, I’m going to decide policy based upon a focus group. The role of a leader is to decide policy based upon the security, in this case the security of the people.”Democracy, the modern world’s holy cow, is in crisis. And the crisis is a profound one. Every kind of outrage is being committed in the name of democracy. It has become little more than a hollow word, a pretty shell, emptied of all content or meaning. It can be whatever you want it to be. Democracy is the Free World’s whore, willing to dress up, dress down, willing to satisfy a whole range of taste, available to be used and abused at will.

Until quite recently, right up to the 1980’s, democracy did seem as though it might actually succeed in delivering a degree of real social justice.

But modern democracies have been around for long enough for neo-liberal capitalists to learn how to subvert them. They have mastered the technique of infiltrating the instruments of democracy – the “independent” judiciary, the “free” press, the parliament – and molding them to their purpose. The project of corporate globalization has cracked the code. Free elections, a free press, and an independent judiciary mean little when the free market has reduced them to commodities on sale to the highest bidder.”  (ARUNDHATI ROY, Imperial Democracy)

TOME UM PORRE DE LIVROS: A RESSACA É DE CULTURA! – Confira as novidades na Livraria Casa de Vidro

“Tome um porre de livros que a ressaca é de cultura!” – é o que prega o meme, e quem somos nós pra discordar? Na sequência, novidades que estão à venda na livraria A Casa de Vidro – click sobre a capa e saiba mais na página de cada livro na Estante Virtual. Editora, ano de publicação, sinopse, número de páginas, preço e valor do frete estão a um click de distância. Enviamos pelos Correios pro Brasil todo. Em Goiânia, estamos com parcerias com a Evoé Café Com Livros (Rua 91) e a Trip – Música e Artes (Rua 115e), ambos no Setor Sul. Procurem-nos e leiam… leiam sem moderação! Confira:

sacco neuromancer Print Layout 1 munduruku levi lennon laertevisao-coisas-que-nao-esqueci-conrad-editora-2007-d_nq_np_887621-mlb20832606494_072016-f karnal2 historia-invade-a-cena herege 80075-Poesia Alvaro de campos capa_NOVA.indd beppo Capa_ABaladadeBobDylan-Final.indd

#CYBERJUKEBOX 003 – Baixe Curtis Mayfield, Small Faces, Odetta, Big Mama Thornton & Muddy Waters Band






Mais discos pra baixar? Aqui e aqui.
Aprecie em volume alto e sem moderação 😉

CYBERJUKEBOX #002 – Baixe os 2 primeiros álbuns de Tim Hardin [1941-1980] – Vol. 1 (1966) e Vol. 2 (1967)

TimHardin
TIm-Hardin-1
TimHardin2

CYBER JUKEBOX #2
TIM HARDIN – I & II (1966 e 1967)
MP3 320 kps – 100 MB de ZIP

Carxs,

A Casa de Vidro, através da série de posts Cyber Jukebox, disponibiliza downloads de álbuns musicais que desfrutamos intensamente por aqui e que desejamos, como Bodhisatvas piratas, pôr na roda e compartilhar. Apreciem sem moderação, pois, esses sons aqui ofertados a todxs que concordam que, sem música, a vida seria um erro, como disse Nietzsche. Hoje, apreciem os dois primeiros álbuns do cantor-e-compositor Tim Hardin [1941-1980] (MP3, 100 MB), figura memorável da cena folk anglo-saxã nos anos 1960 e 1970.  Tim Hardin marcou época no cenário folk do Greenwich Village sessentista e chegou a tocar no lendário festival de Woodstock em 1969. Sua canção mais famosa, “If You Were a Carpenter”, foi gravada por Johnny Cash (em dueto com June) e pelos Four Tops (da Motown). Porém, lembra-nos a Wikipedia, “seu vício em heroína e o medo dos palcos fazia com que seus shows fossem deveras erráticos.” O próprio Bob Dylan reconheceu Hardin como um dos grandes cantores-compositores de sua geração. Décadas depois, uma das vozes mais expressivas do grunge, Mark Lanegan, também celebraria o legado Hardin no Screaming Trees e em sua carreira-solo (chegando a gravar “Shiloh Town”). Uma das bandas do rock alternativo atual mais influenciadas por Tim Hardin é o Okkervil River, que gravou a canção “Black Sheep Boy”, que também dá nome a uns dos primeiros álbuns da banda. Richie Unterberger, em uma biografia publicada na AMG Allmusic Guide, define-o como “a gentle, soulful singer who owed as much to blues and jazz as folk, Tim Hardin produced an impressive body of work in the late ’60s without ever approaching either mass success or the artistic heights of the best singer/songwriters.”

P.S. – No Facebook, um álbum dá acesso a todos os discos já postados, que também podem ser acessados por aqui:
https://acasadevidro.com/category/cyber-jukebox-discos-para-download/

Pra quem gosta de: Tim Buckley, Tom Waits, Nick Drake, Neil Young, Wilco.

DOWNLOAD: TIM HARDIN
OS DOIS PRIMEIROS ÁLBUNS

SAIBA MAIS:

TIM HARDIN – Vol. 1 (1966) [CLICK TO DOWNLOAD]
AllMusic Review by Bruce Eder

Tim Hardin‘s debut album was something of a happy accident, a killer record at least a third of which was comprised of tracks intended as demos, while another half utilized a string orchestra that the artist knew nothing about. Whatever its origins, Tim Hardin 1 is one of the most powerful and compelling records of its era, encompassing deeply personal and compelling poetry, blues, rock, and folk in settings ranging from stripped-down Sun Records-style rock & roll to lightly orchestrated folk-rock. The beautiful, briskly paced “Don’t Make Promises” — which, along with “Reason to Believe,” became one of the two huge songwriting hits here — opens the album on an ambitious note, its sound mixing a small-band and string section behind a confessional lyric. “Green Rocky Road” and the rollicking “Smugglin’ Man” are both more in a traditional folk-rock vein, showcasing the darker and rougher side of Hardin‘s singing, while “How Long” carries listeners into electric blues that is as raw and stripped down as anything coming out of the British blues boom of the same era, and which could’ve passed muster on Chess’ Fathers & Sons blues showcase. Hardin wasn’t happy about the presence of the blues-style demos on the finished album, but when they’re placed alongside such startlingly original and personal songs as “Reason to Believe,” “Misty Roses,” “While You’re on Your Way,” “It’ll Never Happen Again,” and “Hang on to a Dream,” they vividly show off the sheer range of Hardin’s singing and his musical sensibilities. The string accompaniment on most of those songs reportedly wasn’t to Hardin’s liking, but Artie Butler‘s arrangements are models of restraint, and the bluesier cuts here keep the album from going too far in that direction. And so what if “Ain’t Gonna Do Without” was Hardin’s informal joke based on “Hi Heel Sneakers,” never intended for release? It offered some of the best blues harmonica that John Sebastian ever laid down on a record. The result is a seminal folk-rock album, every bit as exciting and urgent as it was in 1966, and as important a creative effort as Bob Dylan‘s Bringing It All Back Home and Highway 61 Revisited. And this wasn’t even Hardin’s best album, though it set the pattern for everything he did after.

TIM HARDIN – Vol. II (1967) [CLICK TO DOWNLOAD]
AllMusic Review by Richard Mortifoglio

While not as prolific as Bob Dylan, Paul Simon, or Neil Young, the prototypical folk-rocker Tim Hardinremains one of the greatest singer/songwriters, as much for his masterly delivery and subtle, jazz-inflected accompaniments as for the enduring songcraft of his classics “If I Were a Carpenter,” “Reason to Believe,” “Misty Roses,” and “The Lady Came from Baltimore.” Opening with “Carpenter,” a song on the same level as “Like a Rolling Stone” or “Norwegian Wood,” Tim Hardin 2 is a lovely, all too brief set from tune heaven. An unlikely highlight might just be its very last song, “Tribute to Hank Williams,” which sounds nothing like a country song, but manages in just a few lines to bring the myth of Hank Williams forth into the beautiful chaos of the ’60s: “Goodbye Hank Williams, my friend. I didn’t know you but I’ve been to places you’ve been.”

* * * *

Ouça algumas canções:

DOWNLOAD: TIM HARDIN – DOIS PRIMEIROS ÁLBUNS

  1. Don’t Make Promises (2:26)
  2. Green Rocky Road (2:18)
  3. Smugglin’ Man (1:57)
  4. How Long (2:54)
  5. While You’re On Your Way (2:17)
  6. It’ll Never Happen Again (2:37)
  7. Reason to Believe (2:00)
  8. Never Too Far (2:16)
  9. Part of the Wind (2:18)
  10. Ain’t Gonna Do Without (2:13)
  11. Misty Roses (2:00)
  12. How Can We Hang On to a Dream (2:03)
  13. If I Were a Carpenter (2:43)
  14. Red Balloon (2:36)
  15. Black Sheep Boy (1:56)
  16. The Lady Came from Baltimore (1:52)
  17. Baby Close Its Eyes (1:54)
  18. You Upset the Grace of Living When You Lie (1:49)
  19. Speak Like a Child (3:17)
  20. See Where You Are and Get Out (1:14)
  21. It’s Hard to Believe in Love for Long (2:18)
  22. Tribute to Hank Williams (3:11)

 

DYLANMANÍACOS – Uma coletânea exclusiva só com canções de Bob Dylan em interpretações de: Jimi Hendrix, Jeff Buckley, Rage Against the Machine, Joe Cocker, The Band, Joan Baez, dentre outros

Bob-Dylan-1960s-music-33490640-675-897
Uma coletânea exclusiva só com canções de Bob Dylan em interpretações de: Jimi Hendrix, Jeff Buckley, Rage Against the Machine, Joe Cocker, The Band, Joan Baez, dentre outros

Click PLAY acima

1. HENDRIX. All Along the Watchtower.
2. JOAN BAEZ. Simple Twist of Fate.
3. JEFF BUCKLEY. I Shall Be Released.
4. PJ HARVEY. Highway 61 Revisited.
5. THE BAND. Tears of Rage.
6. ODETTA. Masters pf War.
7. RICHIE HAVENS. Just Like a Woman.
8. JOE COCKER. Girl From North Country.
9. JIMI HENDRIX. Like a Rolling Stone (live).
10. RAGE AGAINST THE MACHINE. Maggie’s Farm

Logo mais, volume 2.

* * * * *

Tiragosto:

Jeff Buckley – “I Shall Be Released”

Read more at Relevant Magazine / Mojo / Paste

“When the power of love overcomes the love of power, the world will know peace.” – Jimi Hendrix (1942-1970)

1

 

“Quando o poder do amor
Vencer o amor ao poder
O mundo conhecerá a paz.”

Hippie Jimi

Jimi Hendrix (1942-1970), além de ter sido um dos mais revolucionários músicos do século 20 e um dos mestres maiores da guitarra elétrica que já viveu, também se arriscava nas artes plásticas. Não chega aos pés de um Picasso ou Matisse, mas ainda assim é impressionante. Também através da expressão visual este espírito prodigioso do Hendrix pôs pra fora, em 27 anos de vida incandescente, sua fértil criatividade. Hoje alçado ao status de mito musical mor, lado a lado com Lennon, Marley, Janis ou Cobain, Jimi revela sua fascinante personalidade neste seu quadro “Drifter’s Escape”, que esteve em exposição durante o Festival International de Jazz de Montréal 2014:

03
“Hailed as the greatest guitarist of all time by Rolling Stone magazine in 2003, Hendrix recorded only four albums during his brief, incandescent career. Exploring the possibilities of amplification, pedals, wah-wah and feedback, he created a wholly new style, exploding the limits of the electric guitar as none other before or since, but it is above all his virtuoso musical talent that has left such an enduring and deep impression on our culture.

Drifter’s Escape is the title of a song written by Bob Dylan and covered by Hendrix. The song recounts the story of an outsider oppressed by society, put on trial and found guilty without knowing what the charges against him are. In this illustration, Hendrix offers us his visual interpretation of the story. In the upper right-hand corner, you can clearly see the outsider fleeing the injustices of society.”

In: http://www.montrealjazzfest.com/maison-du-festival-online/gallery/jimi-hendrix-silkscreen.aspx


Patti Smith canta “Drifter’s Escape” de Bob Dylan

* * * *

SIGAJimi-Hendrix-Wallpapers-1024x768 VIAGEM:

Jimi Zahar

DOWNLOAD EBOOK (RJ: Zahar, 2014)

Are_You_Experienced_-_US_cover-edit

 

DISCOGRAFIA [BAIXAR TUDO]: http://bit.ly/1FFJOIN

1967 – Are You Experienced?
———————————————————
01 – Foxy Lady.mp3
02 – Manic Depression.mp3
03 – Red House.mp3
04 – Can You See Me.mp3
05 – Love Or Confusion.mp3
06 – I Don’t Live Today.mp3
07 – May This Be Love.mp3
08 – Fire.mp3
09 – Third Stone From The Sun.mp3
10 – Remember.mp3
11 – Are You Experienced.mp3
12 – Hey Joe.mp3
13 – Stone Free.mp3
14 – Purple Haze.mp3
15 – 51st Anniversary.mp3
16 – The Wind Cries Mary.mp3
17 – Highway Chile.mp3

1967 – Axis- Bold as Love
———————————————————
01 – EXP.mp3
02 – Up From The Skies.mp3
03 – Spanish Castle Magic.mp3
04 – Wait Until Tomorrow.mp3
05 – Ain’t No Telling.mp3
06 – Little Wing.mp3
07 – If 6 Was 9.mp3
08 – You Got Me Floatin’.mp3
09 – Castles Made Of Sand.mp3
10 – She’s So Fine.mp3
11 – One Rainy Wish.mp3
12 – Little Miss Lover.mp3
13 – Bold As Love.mp3

1968 – Electric Ladyland
———————————————————
01 – … And the Gods Made Love.mp3
02 – Have You Ever Been (To Electric Ladyland).mp3
03 – Crosstown Traffic.mp3
04 – Voodoo Child.mp3
05 – Little Miss Strange.mp3
06 – Long Hot Summer Night.mp3
07 – Come On (Let The Good Times Roll).mp3
08 – Gypsy Eyes.mp3
09 – Burning Of The Midnight Lamp.mp3
10 – Rainy Day, Dream Away.mp3
11 – 1983 … (A Mermaid I Should Turn To Be).mp3
12 – Moon, Turn The Tides … Gently Gently Away.mp3
13 – Still Raining, Still Dreaming.mp3
14 – House Burning Down.mp3
15 – All Along The Watchtower.mp3
16 – Voodoo Child (Slight Return).mp3

1970 – Band Of Gypsys

———————————————————
01 – Who Knows.mp3
02 – Machine Gun.mp3
03 – Changes.mp3
04 – Power To Love.mp3
05 – Message To Love.mp3
06 – We Gotta Live Together.mp3

1972 – Hendrix In The West
———————————————————
01 – Johnny B. Goode.mp3
02 – Lover Man.mp3
03 – Blue Suede Shoes.mp3
04 – Voodoo Chile.mp3
05 – The Queen.mp3
06 – Sgt Pepper’s Lonley Hearts Club Band.mp3
07 – Little Wing.mp3
08 – Red House.mp3

1986 – Jimi Plays Monterey
———————————————————
01 – Killing Floor.mp3
02 – Foxey Lady.mp3
03 – Like A Rolling Stone.mp3
04 – Rock Me Baby.mp3
05 – Hey Joe.mp3
06 – Can You See Me.mp3
07 – The Wind Cries Mary.mp3
08 – Purple Haze.mp3
09 – Wild Thing (Burning Guitar!).mp3

BAIXAR TUDO:
http://bit.ly/1FFJOIN

jimi-1

SHOW COMPLETO: 
THE JIMI HENDRIX EXPERIENCE
Ao vivo em Estocolmo, Suécia
1969

 

Shaking Hands with Other People’s Pain

Gaza, July 2014

Gaza, July 2014

“Nous n’avons pas toujours assez de force pour supporter les maux d’autrui.” 
LA ROCHEFOUCAULD (1613 – 1680)

Here’s the trouble with solidarity, altruism, compassion, brotherhood and other values we often pay lip service to, while practising them so shabbily: it isn’t always easy or pleasant to join in a common struggle with some human being or community who is suffering a terrible fate. As the French moralist said: “We don’t always have enough strenght to bear other people’s sufferings.” (La Rochefoucauld) Let’s not idealize human beings: egotistical as we so often are, we would rather turn a blind eye to other people’s pains and keep paying attention only to our tiny little selves. Human as I am, when confronted by events that would disturb my peace-of-mind, like these who are flooding the news during the last weeks, my first impulse is to run for cover in the comfort of blissful ignorance. Why should I care if the Israeli army is bombing Gaza to a heap of ruins? Why should I look at the photographs of dead babies, injured women, dismembered elderly? Why shouldn’t I be allowed to choose the easiest path and retreat from these horrible occurrences, refusing to acknowledge their existence? Am I to blame if I’d rather act like an ostrich that hides its head in the sand?

Voltaire (1694 – 1778) once said that “every one is guilty of all the good he did not do”. That sounds to me a much more courageous and demanding statement than the one quoted in the epigraph. La Rochefoucauld’s phrase sounds like someone who uses a personal weakness to justify his choice of indifference. Voltaire wants us to take responsability on our hands and act on behalf of others; doing nothing may be sometimes considered a criminal cumplicity to the perpetrators of oppresion or genocide. La Rochefoucauld’s comment, on the other hand, seems to excuse a behaviour of inaction and voluntary ignorance and lassitude, when we’re confronted with “les maux d’autrui”. Myself, I can’t help but feel some contempt for the attitude of those who don’t give a damn about other people’s miseries and care only about their private little matters. My heart fills with admiration by people like Arundhati Roy or Joe Sacco, Simone Weil or Che Guevara (to mention just a few), highly sensitive and creative persons, who devote their life-works to shaking hands with other people’s pain. And acting in order to diminish human grief in our Samsarian planet (good planets are hard to find). Empathy, methinks, is a praiseworthy virtue, and one of the best definitions of it I know of is by Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara: “feeling anguish whenever someone was assassinated, no matter where it was in the world, and of feeling exultation whenever a new banner of liberty was raised somewhere else.”

okkkk

Such thoughs have been fermenting in my mind during insomnias and daytime anxieties, as the numbers of injured and dead keep getting higher and higher in Palestine. But let’s not take numbers too seriously and forget the real heartfelt human suffering that numbers tell us nothing about. Let’s not allow our minds become numb with an overdose of tragic numbers. Each number is to be perceived as flesh-and-blood, as sentience and conscience, as beating heart and thinking brain, torn apart by war.

From a safe distance, I follow the news and they tell me a lot about other people’s miseries – “gunshot injuries, broken bones, amputees” (Sacco, pg 30). I feel powerless as I witness this horrors brought to me by Youtube, Facebook, Twitter, and the Blogosphere. I feel impelled to do something, even though I know quite well how little difference I can make by sharing Al Jazeera videos, sending to my friends the photos of demonstrations, or writing a post in a tiny little corner of the World Wide Web. A bitter taste of powerlessness and despodency nails me down to the chair as I witness the Zionists’ latest massacres in Gaza. Then I remember Voltaire and he inspires me to decide: the fact that one person can’t do much isn’t a reason to do nothing. If only everyone did this tiny bit, perhaps it would add up to something powerful enough to bring down from their bloody pedestals all these Masters of War?…

palestine-covers

Sitting at home, far from refugee camps, I take a journey aboard Joe Sacco’s compelling graphic novel Palestine. Sacco takes me to see a re-presentation of what he himself has witnessed in Cairo, Jerusalem, Ramallah, Gaza etc. In Sacco’s pages, I see kids  throwing stones against tanks and getting shot at by soldiers armed with M-16s and other hi-tech rifles. My brain fills with some sort of psychic vomit when I picture such scenes. If I had been born in Gaza, if I was a Palestinian kid, wouldn’t I be the one throwing stones against the invading army? Wouldn’t I howl in rage against these grown men in uniform who only speak the language of violence? Which language would I learn to speak, in such an environment, if not the language of precocious rebellious stone-throwing? And if my best friend’s life had been taken away from this world by a bullet in the heart, wouldn’t I be angry enough to, a few years later, join a jihadist group and become a suicide-bomber on the road to glorious martyrdom?

gandhi_-_an_eye_for_an_eye_will_make_the_whole_world_blind_-_quote_large_poster__gn0097Unfortunately, there’s no end in sight for Intifadas, I fear, because no community will accept without resistance the sort of life conditions imposed by Israel in the occupied territories. Too many wounds have stirred too much rage, too much hunger for revenge, for any peace to be something reasonable to expect in the short term. Fuel keeps getting added to the fire of mutual hate. “An eye for an eye will make the whole world blind”, said the barefoot bald-headed pacifist Mahatmas Gandhi. But neither Zionists nor Jihadists seem to give a damn about Gandhi, especially when the wounds are fresh and the heart screams for vendetta.

I can’t begin to understand how and when all this mess began. I look back into the past, trying to get a grip of the historical roots of the conflict, but History looks like a mad circus of chaotic antagonism. It seems to me that Israel was born as a consequence of one the hugest tragedies of the 20th century – the Holocaust. The Nazi’s III Reich almost wiped-out the Jews from the face of the Earth, and when Hitler’s regime fell in 1945 it was mandatory to find the survivors a Safe Home,  in which they would be protected from ever having to be victims of such a mass-scale massacre. The “ideal” Israel would be a nation for the victims, for the survivors of that “Industry of Death”, to quote Steven Spielberg, which the Nazis set in motion in their collective psychosis of anti-semitism, racism, blind nationalism and totalitarianism.

But an old and un-answered question I’ve got is this: why should the Palestinians pay for the crimes of the Nazis? If Germany, infected by anti-semitic ideologies and imperialism, went on a killing frenzy against the Hebrews, why weren’t the Germans obliged, as the main perpetrators of the Holocaust, to offer some just compensation? Why shouldn’t Germany be made to concede, let’s say, one third of their territory for a Jewish State? Yeah: I see perfectly well that this solution wouldn’t work out. These neighbours, I suspect, wouldn’t live peacefully side-by-side with such monstruous memories of past bloody deeds haunting their coexistence. Despite the fact that Holy Jerusalem is considered a conditio sine que non by Jews: there’s no Israel without it.

Reading about these matters, I also discover, in the works of Joe Sacco and Arundhati Roy, that the plan to create a Jewish state in Palestine pre-dates the II World War. In 1917, the English minister of Foreign Relations, Lord Balfour, signs a Declaration in which the British Empire makes a commitment to create a nation for the Jews in Palestine – a place which, according to a deceitful Zionist slogan, was a “land with no people for a people with no land”. Which, of course, is bollocks. Big time bullshit. At least 700.000 Arabs were living then in this land which the Zionists’s cynicism claimed to be a desert – and promised to them by God himself. But, as Bob Dylan sang in the 60s, “you don’t count the dead when God’s on your side”.

Sacco1 Sacco2 What awes me is also how yesterday’s victims can metamorphose into today’s oppressors. How was it possible that the people who survived the Nazi Holocaust became perpetrators of a new “Palestinian Holocaust”? What Israel is doing in Gaza – bombing schools, hospitals, UN-shelters; killing hundreds of babies, children, women, elderly, civilians… – isn’t this reducing a whole community to a status of Subhumanity? People in Gaza know today how it felt for Jews in Auschwitz to be treated as less-than-human and devoid-of-basic-rights.

One could argue that Jewish experience in Europe was far from sweet and didn’t teach them much about gentleness between different cultures and nations. Pogroms, persecutions, concentration camps, gas chambers – these were some of the tragic cards the Jews were dealt throughout their wandering existence of chronic sufferers. In 1948, when they declared “Independence” and Israel was born, maybe they dreamt of Peace, finally? Anyway, if they did, the Dream has been shattered over and over again, for decades. There was never any peace. Israel is born into war and the nation’s first events, the first steps of this new-born child, have been tough as hell. Israel’s first breath was still sailing in the wind and the country was already dealing with the 1948 invasion from the Arab’s armies. After the defeat of the III Reich – who was supposed to last for a 1.000 years, according to the Nazi’s megalomania, but crumbled apart after 12 years – the Jews wouldn’t be allowed no peaceful retreat into well-deserved tranquility. They still felt endangered, they still feared annihilation, there were still enemies to fight. If they didn’t defend themselves, they feared that the Arabs would drown them all in the Sea.

Sacco3 I would argue that fear and violence often go hand-in-hand: a frightened animal is much more likely to attack than a tranquil, unafraid one. The human animal is also capable of bursting into terrible violence when he’s terribly afraid. When I look back at History’s madness, I see the Jews, after the II World War, trembling with fear and shocked with trauma. They had lost 6 or 7 million to the Nazi’s machinery of mass murder. And yet their survival instinct, their conatus (to speak in Spinozean language), was surely alive and kicking. To survive this tragedy they would need some radical means to establish themselves in some sort of safe spot. They would a massive Police State; one of Earth’s strongest armies; why not some atomic bombs? The U.S. would provide the means for Israel to become a military power whose self-confidence would be boosted by the  possession of weapons of mass destruction. Israel, then, was born like a Bunker State, warmed to the teeth, with one of the world’s most rigid and paranoid Defense Mecanisms of any nation on Earth.

But did they really believe they would build a safe haven in Israel after kicking out almost a million people from their homes in 1948? I’m sorry for my language: I’m quite aware that kicking out is not quite the right word. They did much more than kick out – they burned entire villages, they massacred entire populations, they created a huge mass of refugees, pushed very ungently, at gun point, into Gaza and the West Bank. Israel’s masterminds certainly don’t like this comparison, but this is how it feels to me: just like the Nazis deported the Jews from their homes and pushed them into the trains headed for the concentration camps, the Jews kicked out the Palestinians from their homes and pushed them into Palestine’s open-air concentration camps. Now it’s July 2014 and the world is asking in horror: is Israel applying the Final Solution? Is there anywhere or anyone in Gaza that isn’t a target?

gaza

In the occupied territories, most of what we take for granted as civilization’s basic gifts to citizens simply don’t exist – right now, as you’re reading this, more than 1 million people in Gaza have no access to proper drinking water. Almost no one has access to electricity – especially after the only power plant in Gaza was bombed to ashes in July 29. In Joe Sacco’s book, I discover that, in the Palestinian schools, it’s forbidden by the Israelis to teach history or geography with any book that mentions Palestine – it’s not supposed to exist in the textbooks. Israel would like to erase it from the maps. Is Israel trying to accomplish in fact the lie that has been written in textbooks, that is, “Palestinians don’t exist”?

In a clinic, Joe Sacco meets two doctors who reveal that they see “a lot of respiratory illnesses from bad ventilation and overcrowding, problems related to political and social conditions” (p. 48). Life in Gaza and the West Bank can be quite cruel, unealthy, insecure, always threatned to end precociously. But the web of everyday violence is woven by acts of cruelty not only to people, but also to their means of existence. Joe Sacco draws, for example, a heartbreaking scene with decapitated olive trees, cut off by the Israelis, and then gives voice to the Palestinians’ suffering:

Joe Sacco2

“The olive tree is our main source of living… We use the oild for our food and we buy our clothes with the oil we sell… Here we have nothing else but the trees… The Israelis don’t give people from our village permits to work in Israel… The Israelis know that an olive tree is the same as our sons… It needs many years to grow, six or seven years for a strong tree… Two years ago the israelis cut down 17 of my trees… my father planted those trees… Some of them were 100 years old… They obliged me to cut the trees myself. The soldiers brought me a chainsaw and watched… I was crying… I felt I was killing my son when I cut them down.” (Sacco, pg. 62)

This personal wound may seem tiny, but we need only to multiply it to get a picture of the collective wound inflicted by 120.000 trees up-rooted by the Israelis during the first four years of the Intifada.  Besides the massive bulldozing of trees, Palestian homes were also demolished in great numbers: 1.250 of them were brought down to the ground during the same four first years of the Intifada; in the same period, no less than 90.000 Palestians were arrested and put behind Israeli barbed wire, watched by soldiers with their fingers on the trigger (Sacco, pgs. 69 and 81). All those who dared rise up against Israel were crowded into prisons, put into cages, treated not so differently than the Nazis did with the inmates of Dachau or Auschwitz. One man interviewed by Sacco remember the time he was arrested in an overcrowded tent, “a sort of hell”, “3×4 meters with 21 persons”, in which “the ventilation was very bad, just a coin-sized hole in the door for injecting gas in case of a riot.” (Sacco, pg. 84)

Eduardo Carli de Moraes @ Awestruck Wanderer
Toronto, July 2014

* * * * *

(TO BE CONTINUED IN ANOTHER POST…)

Recommended reading & viewing: